Jobbik files a protest with Russian diplomatic bodies because Russian foreign ministry report labeled the party extremist

Wednesday, May 13, 2015

The report is quite a blow to the party, which is the main force in Hungary behind the improvements of Hungarian - Russian relations and it was Jobbik that championed Hungary's eastern partnership policy.

Jobbik press office reminded journalists that some of the information in the report may be the result of mistranslation of facts or of ignorance. Jobbik sources also pointed out that the style and the content of the report and the terms used to describe Hungarian “extremism” indicating Atlanticist influence.

Indeed anybody who is familiar with corporate media lies about Hungary finds the style and the content of the article very familiar. It looks like the author of the report compiled the Hungarian section by using corporate media news reports.

For instance, part of the article, which says the Sixty Four Counties Youth Movement transformed itself into sports association and SS soldiers demanded to erect a statue at Szabadság square lacking any factual validity.

Obviously, the author of the paper has no clue of the Hungarian situation; this is indicated by the fact that it quotes a Russophobe, globalist asset as a reliable source, whose party, the Socialist party, slanders Russia each time the topic comes up in official discussions; while, Jobbik MEPs defended Russian positions in the EU parliament several times in the past and vigorously opposed western sanctions against Russia.

Besides Jobbik other nationalist movements of Europe that are considered friendly towards Russia also called extremists by the report; these including the Belgian Vlaams Blok, the Danish Danskernes Party, the German National Democratic Party (NPD) and the British National Party (BNP).

Below is the full report on Hungary


Right wing extremist organizations are forbidden by law in Hungary. At the same time, there is a steady part of supporters of far-right ideas. The leader of the Hungarian Socialist party A. Mesterházy thinks that racism is widespread across the country, it is present in universities, theatres, right wing media and even in the parliament.

Hungarian leaders have repeatedly declared “zero tolerance” of the country’s authorities in respect of racist political views. According to Tamás Fellegi, Hungary’s former Minister of National Development, there is a clear dividing line between the main Hungarian political forces and a radical nationalist party “Jobbik” (it is notorious for its offensive slogans and appeals regarding the Jewish and Romas).

Speaker of the National Assembly of Hungary László Kövér stated that organizations that can harm Hungary’s interests, for example “anti-Zionist fraction”, were not and will be not formed in the parliament.

The most radical associations, such as the “Blood and Honour”, “Army of Bandits”, “National Guards — Carpathians and Fatherland”, “National Selfdefence”, “Hungarian National Guards”, “Sixty-Four Counties Youth Movement” (to avoid judicial prohibition it was transformed into the “Sports and Patriotic Movement for Preserving Traditions”), do not have large social support.

The oldest Hungarian far-right party is the Hungarian Justice and Life Party that was formed in the 1990s and promoted its ideas in the parliament up till 2002. The founder of the party is István Csurka (died in 2012), a famous Hungarian playwright and poet with anti Semitic views. At the present time, the party promotes their views through the Internet.

The “Hungarian Phoenix Movement” is one more radical nationalist party founded in 2010 by former members of the “Jobbik” party dissatisfied that “the Jobbik had not effectively stood up for the national ideas”.

In Hungary, there is a tendency to glorify the regime of Hitler’s follower Miklós Horthy who is responsible for the Holocaust and killing civilians in Serbia and other countries. Local historians present him as an advocate of “monarchist conservatism” (according to former Minister of Foreign Affairs János Martonyi, the government does not intend to exonerate Miklós Horthy “until corresponding historical research is held”). In 2013, a bronze bust to Miklós Horthy was erected on the Liberty Square in Budapest near the Presbyterian Church of Resurrection.

Glorification of “heroic deeds” of Hungarian Nazi supporters is cultivated, materials dedicated to certain people (for example, those dedicated to an exonerated war criminal, the commander of the Hungarian Second Army Gusztáv Jány) and to the divisions of the Waffen-SS “Hunyadi”, “Maria Theresia”, “St Laszlo” formed in Hungary are published. On April 24, 2013, neo-Nazi from the movement “Sixty-Four Counties Youth Movement” held a demonstration on the Liberty Square demanding to erect a monument to German soldiers of World War II.

The Constitution of the country identifies the communist regime with the Nazi regime. Political experts note that the preamble of the country’s main law says that Hungary lost its national sovereignty on March 19, 1944 (introduction of Hitler’s forces on the territory of Hungarian ally) and regained it only on May 2, 1990. Therefore, Hungary’s responsibility for participating in World War II on the side of Hitler’s Germany is hushed up, instead Nazi occupation is equated with the political regime that came after the Nazi. The message concerning two occupations is widely spread in the intellectual circles and is used in teaching. In February, 2013, the Constitutional Court of Hungary ordered to lift the prohibition of using Nazi and communist symbols. According to judges, the law that was in force “excessively limited freedom of expression” and the swastika became one of legally allowed symbols.

Government bodies do not monitor systematic cases of violence based on hatred. According to human rights defenders, one of the main problems in the country is that Hungarian policemen cannot identify hate crimes, there are no norms describing procedures and criteria of identifying such crimes as well as order of their investigation. In this context, in January, 2012, the MIA began to work on a corresponding protocol to be used by police.

In May, 2012, the parliament introduced amendments to the Penal Code
that outlawed explicitly offensive behaviour, real or perceived threats in respect of members of racial, ethnic or other groups. The amendments also provided for criminal liability for unauthorized operations to maintain public order or public security which evoked fear from people. This was the answer of the authorities to “patrolling” of Roma blocks that has become popular among the neo-Nazi.
Besides, a liability for denying the Holocaust was introduced in Hungary: in January, 2013, for the first time in post-Soviet history, a programmer G. Nagy was imposed a suspended sentence of 18 months of imprisonment for public denial of the Holocaust. The court prohibited him to participate in demonstrations and other political events and made him visit memorial locations of the Holocaust. In June, 2013, Hungarian court began a criminal action against László Csatáry
charged with deliberate assistance to the Nazi in execution of 15.7 thousand Jews during World War II.

At the beginning of 2012, a big judicial trial was launched against four neoNazi charged with murder of six Romas because of racial hatred which they had committed in the period from March, 2008 to August, 2009. Three offenders were sentenced to life imprisonment in 2013, one offender got 13 years of imprisonment (the court found them guilty in nine attacks on Romas).

In May, 2013, three men were charged in Budapest for crying out ant-Semitic slogans and making Nazi salutes addressed to the Jewish. Two of them got suspended sentences and the one left was sentenced to three years of imprisonment.


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